Begin Sadat Center for Strategic Studies (via Martin Kramer) (emphasis JRT):
by Efraim Inbar
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Among the reasons for the decay and marginalization of the Israel Labor Party are its abandonment of collectivist ideology (including the values of military service and settling the Land of Israel), distancing from Jewish traditional values, identification with the wealthy, abandonment of Jerusalem, and identification with the failed Oslo peace process. The party also failed to stay in sync with demographic changes in Israel.
The most remarkable result of the 2009 elections was the emergence of an Israeli political map where the three largest parties in the Knesset are Likud (27 seats) and two of its offshoots: Kadima (28) and Israel Beiteinu (15). Seventy seats went to parties led by Likud or former Likud politicians, while a clear majority of 65 seats were secured by the conservative bloc. This made Benjamin Netanyahu the election winner and candidate for prime minister.
Even many leftist Israelis that wanted to prevent the success of the much demonized Netanyahu cast their votes for centrist Kadima rather than strengthening Labor. Indeed, the once hegemonic party in the Israeli political system ג€“ the Israel Labor Party ג€“ ended up in 2009 as only the fourth largest party, with a meager 13 Knesset seats. Meretz, to the left of Labor, fared even worse, barely obtaining 3 seats in the Knesset.
The zeitgeist in Israel is clearly conservative. This has been the case for a while. Thus the 2009 elections have witnessed the culmination of an historic process of decline, beginning with the 1977 political upheaval when Labor lost the election to the Likud Party for the first time. This heralded the gradual decay, and eventual marginalization, of the Labor Party.
One main reason for this is the fact that the Labor Party has lost its most important political asset: identification with the establishment and building of the State of Israel. The two main activities in this endeavor “military service and the settling of the Land of Israel" were gradually given up by Labor and its supporters.
Once upon a time, kibbutz members were disproportionately represented in IDF officer ranks. This is no longer so. The social composition of the officers' course for the ground forces that ended in February 2009 was typical of recent years. Nineteen percent of the graduating class defined themselves as modern Orthodox. A senior officer called them "the new kibbutzniks."
Similarly, the intensive settlement activity under the guidance of Labor-led governments basically ended in 1977, leaving settlement within and beyond the Green Line to other elements in Israeli society.
The military is still the most respected institution in Israel. A majority of Israelis, though ready for re-partition of Israel, regard settling the Land of Israel an important Zionist value. Labor foolishly allowed modern Orthodox and right wing circles to adopt and commandeer important national symbols “which were once clearly associated with the party that founded the state.
Another important Zionist symbol deserted by Labor is Jerusalem, united in 1967 under Labor reign. The recent elections were also about keeping Jerusalem united under Israel's sovereignty. Labor Party leader Ehud Barak's willingness to divide Jerusalem at the 2000 Camp David Summit stunned many Israelis. As a matter of fact, over two-thirds of Israelis oppose any division of the city and are ready to continue armed conflict with the Palestinians in order to maintain the status quo. It is political folly to underestimate the great appeal of Jerusalem for most Jews.
Moreover, Labor's leaders, particularly its younger echelons, gradually distanced themselves from the Jewish-Zionist tradition and flirted with a cosmopolitan culture and individualistic values, such as human rights and democracy. While there is a consensus about the supremacy of law in a democratic society, the Supreme Court, under the leadership of its former president Aharon Barak, adopted a very active posture, which was not appreciated by the more conservative elements in Israeli society. Yet, the Supreme Court has become the secularists' temple. Labor and leftist parties in its orbit have gradually adopted the discourse that favors individualism and pursuit of individual rights at the expense of the collectivist ethos that was once dominant, but is still widespread.
posted by: jrtelegraph

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